2019: When Modi Perfected His 'Don't Mess With India' Doctrine

A letter was doing rounds on Twitter last week, written in 1981 by n Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to what seems like a Kashmiri Pandit acquaintance in New York identified as Dr (Mrs) N Mitra. Gandhi communicates helplessness at her inability to do anything to address distress of Pandits in Valley and Buddhists in Ladakh, as she could t face heat from a difficult press – both domestic and foreign. As 2019 bids adieu, Buddhist Ladakh is a Union Territory that breas free of complexities of valley, with rest of Jammu and Kashmir charting what seems like a slow but steady recovery from clutches of separatism. I write this on a day when modern-day equivalent of Oxygen of life, internet, has been partially restored across Kashmir. Narendra Modi just chose to do it.

What began as a test of tough love in post-Burhan Wani cauldron of 2016 in Kashmir, got sharpened with Doklam standoff with China in 2017, and by close of 2019 has got institutionalized as Modi government’s hard state doctrine, hopefully permanently addressing a long-standing charge of strategic community of country that India punched below its weight as it was a soft state. Here I list ten big-ticket markers of that hard-state institutionalisation.

1. Balakot: India carried out its first kwn surgical strike in 2015 along border with Myanmar against Naga insurgents, made it more punitive and public with Uri in 2016, but Operation Bandar by Indian Air Force taking out JeM seminary in Balakot marked an escalation that underscored resolve to make enemy misadventures disproportionately expensive. I personally kw re were jitters of an uncontrolled escalation, but n as y say cour is t absence of fear but control of fear. With Balakot strike, India showed how it had evolved offensive defence doctrine.
2. Cornering Pakistan: For almost entire first term, Modi government fiddled with its Pakistan policy from sentimental Lahore dash to furtive Ufa process. It looked like it was falling between two stools with Pindi generals having last laugh. t anymore. Denying Most Favoured Nation (MFN) status was so effective that despite bravado, Pakistan has twice changed its rules to buy medicines and or crucial goods from India. kind of clarity that has emerged post-Pulwama in India’s security establishment on giving quarters to Pakistan and brooking indulgence has put neighbour in a pincer. Proof? From top generals to PM Imran Khan have spoken of possibility of a false flag operation by India at least five times in last five months.
3. A-SAT: It attracted politicking charge as it happened during election campaign, but it was a statement of intent t limited to western neighbour. anti-satellite (A-SAT) test demonstrating India’s capability to handle anti-kinetic weapons in was a t so subtle mess to China that Doklam was t a one-off affair.
4. ICJ: While approaching International Court of Justice at Hague itself was an act of nimble-footed flummoxing of enemy, manner in which might of Indian state was used to make sure Pakistan lost case reflected an aggression and willingness to project India’s power in international arena like we have t seen in recent history.
5. Article 370/35-A: Speaking a day after Pulwama terrorist attack, Modi said “Pakistan has made a big mistake. It shall t go unanswered.” If Pakistani deep state thought warning got over with Balakot, n y have invested very poorly in understanding Narendra Modi. It is still a work in progress, but Modi and his Home Minister Amit Shah have secured ir name in history for this one act.
6. Inviting BIMSTEC: Having made SAARC redundant post-Uri terror attack, Modi government took isolating Pakistan to next level, inviting BIMSTEC to his oath-taking ceremony, including mo
7. Nuclear triad: Though this had been in making for some time, induction of nuclear-capable submarine INS Arihant this year made India only country outside P5 (permanent five) members of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to have capability of projecting nuclear weapons through all three arms – Army, Navy, and Air Force.
8. Muscle flexing in South China Sea: Apart from increased Navy patrols in troubled waters of South China Sea that is claimed by China to exclusion of rest, India also supplied war frigates to Vietnam, and a submarine to Myanmar for patrolling same waters, Wuhan spirit twithstanding.
9. RCEP: Despite multiple attempts at influencing tariff structure, manner in which Regional Comprehensive Ecomic Partnership (RCEP) was shaping, it would have given a free trade area to China through backdoor, seriously compromising India’s trade balance. While it is t good to close doors to world, Modi government did show cour to t buckle under weight of international pressure just to be Mr. Nice Guy.
10. CDS: creation of new post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) and Department of Military Affairs (DMA) within Ministry of Defence shows Modi has executed a long-felt need of strategic community to make India’s defence architecture more agile and responsive to ever-changing security environment. sweeping changes would hopefully bring intended results in terms of power projection.

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