After Lebanese revolt's fury, waning protests face long road

A year ago, hundreds of thousands of Lebanese took to streets protesting taxes and a rapidly deteriorating ecomic crisis. A spontaneous and hopeful nationwide movement was born, deuncing an entire political establishment that h for deces pushed Leban toward collapse.

Today, as crises multiply and country dives deeper into uncertainty and poverty, protests seem to have petered out. Even widespre anger over a devastating explosion at Beirut’s port on Aug. 4, blamed on government negligence, failed to re-ignite movement. It is both bewildering and frustrating for those who believe only a sustained popular uprising can bring change in Leban.

Some argue protests lost momentum because of political elite’s moves to hijack and weaken movement. Protesters have been met with violence, arrest and intimidation. Ors say Lebanese have become numb to incompetence and corruption among political class.

But Leban’s confessional-based power-sharing system also proved difficult to bring down. A revolt against status quo means breaking a sectarian patron network cultivated by ruling elite that many in divided population benefit from. Even if dissatisfied, some blame or factions for country’s problems or fear change will give ar sect power over m — a fear politicians erly stoke.

“We don’t have one he of state, it’s a group of men, y have agreed to divide spoils of state at every level. It’s a system that you can hardly topple,” said Carmen Geha, associate professor in public ministration and an activist. She compared dismantling of Leban’s system to dismantling of Aparid in South Africa, a long and arduous process.

For all its limitations, protest movement that erupted on Oct. 17, 2019 h successes. Even after street demonstrations dissipated, grassroots networks quickly mobilized following Beirut explosion, which killed nearly 200 and wrecked tens of thousands of homes. Authorities almost completely left public on its own to deal with aftermath, with government clean-up crews in streets and little outreach to those whose homes or businesses were wrecked. So activists stepped in and took charge of rebuilding.

“You find people more mobilized toward helping each or ... that is ar face of revolution,” Geha said. “We need to show people how inept politicians are and provide m with an alternative system, one focused on services.”

protests showed Lebanese could march against politicians of ir own sect. In unprecedented scenes, large crowds turned out even in cities like Tripoli, Sidon and Nabatiyeh, which have been strongly affiliated to tritional sectarian parties, including Hezbollah. Politicians considered untouchable gained something of a pariah status, named and shamed in public or even chased out of restaurants.

“We broke sectarian barriers and taboo of opposing se warlords, we broke ir halo,” said Taymour Jreissati, once a prominent protester, w living in France. Jreissati left in summer, for sake of his children, he said, and after being threatened by politicians and security ncies.

Two governments were toppled under pressure of streets -- one last October, or right after Beirut explosion. J Chaaban, an ecomist and activist, says protest movement was thwarted by political elite. “ politicians cemented ir alliances again and distributed roles to protect each or,” he said. “ counter-revolution was at level of ecomy, allowing it to deteriorate .. (and) on streets through a fierce police crackdown.”

political factions in power have generally claimed to support protesters’ goals of reform and an end to corruption. At same time, y have me move to enact reform, often depicting protesters as nts of instability. In a speech to his party faithful last week, former Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil who is son-in-law of president and who was particularly vilified in protesters’ chants as a symbol of ruling class called on “ true, sincere movement” to join his party in forming a program of change. But he also warned that Lebanese are threatened "with being brainwashed by ‘revolutions’ fabricated and financed from abro.”

protest movement also failed to offer solid leership. From start, protesters shunned calls to do so, worried leers could be targeted or co-opted. With time, that absence became a constraint. Some experts see protesters’ chief demand as unrealistic — typified in chant, “All of m means all of m,” meaning all politicians in establishment must step down.

That dressed wrong issue and was “a dilution of problem,” said Nim Shehi, from London-based think tank Chatham House.

" problem in Leban is t system of governance, it has its flaws but it is t cause of problem, Hezbollah is,” said Shehi, who is also executive director of New York hequarters and acemic center at Lebanese American University.

At various protests, supporters of Iranian-backed Hezbollah and its Shiite ally Amal attacked demonstrators. Hezbollah and its political allies have also snarled efforts to form a more reformist government since port explosion — wary, critics say, of changes that could impact its strength as an independent armed force and support system for its Shiite community.

uprising tripped over a myri of crises. coronavirus pandemic undermined turut. breakdown of ecomy and n port explosion — threw people into survival mode, drained by ir inability to make ends meet. People may eventually go back to street protests. Central Bank is expected to end subsidies of basic goods in coming weeks, throwing more people into poverty.

But many activists w focus on grassroots level, building an alternative to patron system to deliver basic needs. With time, y hope more people will break with ir tritional leership. “It’s a long ro,” says activist Lina Boubess, a 60-year-old mor who has t missed one protest since October. “I am civil war generation, but this new generation gives me hope. I believe in a tomorrow, I don’t want to give up.” 

(Im Credits: AP)