In Zimbabwe, activists claim women are reduced to cheerleaders as election nears

In a large hall at hequarters of Zimbabwe’s ruling ZANU-PF party, women responded with roaring cheers when President Emmerson Mnangagwa described m as party’s “backbone” whose votes are vital to victory in elections scheduled for August.

At a recent opposition rally, women with face of ir male party leer emblazoned on dresses and skirts sang, danced and promised to vote for change — never mind that election again represents a status quo where women are largely limited to cheerleing.

It appears worse this year because number of women candidates has plummeted, despite women constituting majority of population and, tritionally, biggest number of voters.

“We have some of best laws and policies on gender equality and women representation, but that’s just on paper. reality on ground is that role of women in politics is restricted to being fervent supporters and dependable voters,” said Marufu Mandevere, a human rights lawyer in capital, Harare.

shortage of women candidates puts Zimbabwe at odds with trends on continent. According to a report released in March by Inter-Parliamentary Union, number of women in national parliaments in sub-Saharan Africa increased from 10% in 1995 to about 27% in 2022. IPU describes itself as a global organization of national parliaments established in 1889.

In Zimbabwe, a patriarchal sourn African nation of 15 million people, gender-based biases are still rampant. Men have historically dominated political, economic, religious and social spheres. Aug. 23 election suggests that change could be beyond horizon, despite vigorous local campaigns and global pressure for increased female participation in decision-making.

In last election, in 2018, re were four female candidates for presidency, a record. When registration closed on Jun. 21 this year, re were 11 male candidates — and no women.

In end, one woman did manage to qualify for ballot, but only just. Elisabeth Valerio was one of two women, along with Linda Masarira, who were rejected because y h failed to pay $20,000 registration fee on time, up from $1,000 in 2018. In July, Valerio successfully challenged decision in court.

For National Assembly, re are 70 women candidates against 637 men in 210 constituencies. This represents 11% of candidates, down from 14% in 2018.

Parliamentary candidates must pay $1,000 to register, compared to $50 in previous election — and that's before huge amounts necessary to compete in a country where vote-buying is rampant.

“Women have historically been squeezed out of economic arena … That deprivation is now being used to elbow us out of race for public office,” lamented Masarira. “Political leership is a preserve of rich men.”

Many women chose to stay away rar than try to raise such “exorbitant fees,” she said.

Pressure groups are disappointed, especially after campaigning hard ahe of party primaries.

In February, major political parties signed a ”Women Charter”, pledging action to increase number of women candidates under a #2023LetsGo5050 campaign driven by a coalition of women’s rights groups.

When candidate registration closed, biggest political parties h fielded less than 12% women candidates each for National Assembly, said Women’s Acemy for Leership and Political Excellence or WALPE, a local non-governmental organization.

WALPE described numbers as a “slap in face,” accused parties of “tokenism” and threatened to campaign against m “as only way” to demonstrate women’s determination for a seat at table. group is now running a campaign urging women voters to elect fellow women where y appear on ballot.

Those women who do run for public office also endure derogatory stereos.

Take Judith Tobaiwa, an opposition politician, and first female MP for a politically volatile constituency in central Zimbabwe. She is seeking re-election. But for her opponents, gender seems to trump 35-year-old’s track record.

“What is so special about Judy … How different is she from or girls?” thundered a ruling party campaigner during a recent rally in her constituency. “If it’s about being a prostitute, we also have prostitutes in ZANU-PF,” he said to applause for comments captured on video and later widely criticized by activists.

Yet, according to Mandevere, human rights lawyer, females have proven to be effective leers through many deces of multiple crises in Zimbabwe. se range from HIV/AIDS pandemic that killed millions, to coronavirus outbreak that left many women and girls as household hes, and a prolonged and debilitating economic meltdown that catapulted women to forefront of fending for families.

“That’s s part. We are fine with women taking care of us at home during times of crisis, but we frown upon ir ambitions when it comes to national politics,” he said.