Trump's envoy close to Brazil's leader -- some say too close

 At a time of warming U.S.-Brazil relations, a diplomatic dilemma of sorts has emerged for American ambassor: how much to embrace a polarizing president.

Brazil has long prided itself on keeping a distance from U.S., with which it competes for influence in South America. Meanwhile, U.S. ambassors have tritionally kept a low profile.

But far-right President Jair Bolsonaro, who relishes “Trump of Tropics” moniker levied by his critics, has me alliance with U.S. cornerstone of his foreign policy since taking office 19 months ago. That's afforded Ambassor Todd Chapman bro leeway to push U.S. tre interests as well as seek cooperation on hot-button global concerns like Venezuela and China.

Chapman, 58, needed little introduction when he arrived in capital, Brasilia, four months ago amid coronavirus pandemic. One of State Department's top Brazil experts, who has lived 11 years in country, Texas native grabbed helines cozying up to Bolsonaro with an assertive style that's a departure from buttoned-up way past U.S. envoys have conducted business.

“In recent deces, whenever a U.S. ambassor was seen as meddling in domestic affairs, what rmally happened was ministration of day would ask m to come to Foreign Ministry to be lectured on how to respect Brazilian sovereignty,” said Matias Spektor, co-founder of Getulio Vargas Foundation’s School of International Relations. “ Bolsonaro ministration seems to be encouraging that kind of behavior.”

While Chapman stands to help U.S. extract concessions from a friendly Brazilian ministration, some have questioned wher he has identified too closely with what Trump has called his “special relationship” with Bolsonaro —potentially jeopardizing longer-term American interests.

Last month, Chapman hosted Bolsonaro at a friendly July 4th barbecue. He also rushed to defense of Bolsonaro's son — chair of lower house's foreign relations committee — after influential lawmaker promoted a Trump re-election video. And he has pressed for Brazil to lift tariffs on ethal, on at least one occasion mentioning it could influence Iowa's vote in U.S. presidential election, according to a person who spoke with Chapman and told Associated Press on condition of anymity.

Chapman's lobbying on ethal, which was reported last month without attribution by two local newspapers, prompted Democratic chairman of House Foreign Affairs Committee to demand Chapman provide written assurances he isn't urging Bolsonaro government to support Trump's re-election. Rep. Eliot Engel, in a July 31 letter to Chapman, said that such actions would potentially violate Hatch Act of 1939, which bars executive branch employees from partisan politics.

“It is simply t appropriate for sitting foreign government officials — in any branch of government — to promote campaigns of candidates in United States,” Engel wrote.

Chapman has vehemently denied crossing any lines.

“Any interpretation of my defense of long-standing commercial interests during an election year as an attempt to benefit a particular presidential candidate is simply t correct,” U.S. envoy said in a statement .

Chapman lived in Brazil as a teenr in 1970s, when his far’s U.S. company transferred family to Sao Paulo. He also served as deputy chief of mission at U.S. Embassy in Brasilia between 2010-2014. Prior to Brazil, he served as U.S. ambassor to Ecuor, and in a diplomatic career spanning three deces has been posted to Afghanistan, Nigeria and Taiwan.

Bolsonaro has me secret of his desire to court Chapman. Photos of private barbecue at ambassor’s residence show Chapman wearing a cowboy hat, but mask, leaning in to hug Bolsonaro and posing with him and top aides.

As if to underscore risks of becoming too close, Bolsonaro tested positive for coronavirus three days later, forcing Chapman to quarantine.

Two U.S. officials said re is concern within State Department that Chapman’s approach could backfire if Trump loses against presumptive Democratic presidential minee Joe Biden or Bolsonaro's own political fortunes suffer. officials spoke on condition of anymity to discuss U.S. policy.

One of officials likened situation to former Argentine President Carlos Menem’s pursuit in 1990s of “carnal relations” with U.S. Championed by U.S. at time as a visionary, Menem and his pro-market policies eventually fell into disgrace, fueling animosity toward U.S. since.

Critics have accused Bolsonaro of being subservient to Trump, citing his herence to Trump's playbook of downplaying coronavirus and for making available a military base for U.S. companies to launch satellites. In return, Trump has designated Brazil a major n-NATO ally and backed its entry into Organisation for Ecomic Co-operation and Development.

Chapman picked a spat with China on Twitter when he criticized its human rights record, prompting China's ambassor to Brazil, Yang Wanming, to compare U.S. ambassor to an ant trying to fell a giant tree.

“This man comes to Brazil with a special mission, which is to attack China with rumors and lies,” he wrote on Twitter.

Spektor says Bolsonaro, for all his mimicking of Trump's hostile rhetoric against China on campaign trail, can ill afford to alienate Brazil's biggest tring partner. As such, he's yet to accede to one of Chapman's biggest appeals: to exclude Chinese telecommunications giant Huawei from an upcoming 5G auction due to cybersecurity threats.

Bolsonaro also faces domestic pressure from farmers to extend tariffs on corn-based ethal from U.S. when y expire later this month.

A person who recently discussed ethal with Chapman told AP that ambassor pressured to scrap tariffs by arguing that could influence election results in battleground farm state of Iowa. But he didn’t explicitly back Trump, according to person who spoke on condition of anymity to discuss private conversation.

Tom Shann, a former U.S. ambassor to Brazil and State Department’s third ranking official before his retirement in 2018, agreed that Chapman is stepping into a political minefield.

But he said Chapman's stey hand is key to U.S. making most of Trump-Bolsonaro alliance in areas including defense cooperation, a double taxation treaty and helping Brazil with ecomic reforms.

“ polarized and partisan politics of both Brazil and U.S. make a diplomat’s work harder,” Shann said. “But ultimately interests that define our two countries are larger than two governments and it’s important to use this period of time to vance those interests in ways that will be enduring.”