Separating Facts from Fiction: Educing RSS’s Contribution to Freedom struggle

As the left and Marxist historians claim, the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh and its officials were not involved in the freedom movement against the Imperial forces. This analysis will surely enlighten those who always claim that Sangh had no significant role in the freedom struggle and, above all, illustrate how Sangh contributed substantially to it. The role of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (henceforth Sangh) in India's struggle for independence has been a subject of intense debate and scrutiny, and this period coincided with some of the most crucial years of India's freedom movement and the early years of the newly independent nation. Sangh's contributions to the independence struggle have been celebrated and contested, with supporters lauding its efforts to instill national pride and opponents criticizing its alleged absence from critical moments of the freedom movement. By delving into historical records, contemporary accounts, and scholarly analyses, this analysis will explore the interplay between the Sangh’s organizational goals, its relationship with other freedom struggle participants, and its influence on the socio-political landscape of pre-independence India.

Notably, in 1930, Sangh had already completed five years since its establishment, the Congress had declared 26^th January 1930 as Independence Day, and Dr. Hedgewar directed all the Sangh’s officials to volunteer with unconditional support to this proposal. He said, “It is, therefore, our duty to cooperate with any organization that works keeping this purpose (Independence) foremost.” Above all, Hedgewar instructs all the Swayamsewak and officials in clear terms that “all Shakas of the RSS should organize to volunteer and…the true meaning of independence and how to present its goal must form the essence of the talk. We have accepted this proposed goal of the Congress; the party must be congratulated for it” (H. V. Sheshdari, RSS: A Vision in Action, 1998, p. 45).

Notwithstanding the left, historians claim that Sangh has utter faith in the Saffron flag instead of the National flag. Still, it was not only Sangh who respected the Saffron flag but this sense was found more logical, even by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. In 1931, the Congress Working Committee recommended the saffron flag as the national flag in its final reports with these significant words, “if there is one colour that is more acceptable to the Indians as a whole, even as it is more distinctive than another, one that is associated with this ancient nation by long tradition, it is (nothing but) the Kesari or Saffron colour.” (Pralay Kanungo, RSS’s Tryst with Politics: From Hegdewar to Sudarshan, Manohar, 2002, p. 65, 90). So it became imperative to know the idea of founding Sangh was nothing but to decolonize the minds over Europeans’ materialistic conceptions, the revival of genuine nationalist values which had perforce receded during the imperial regime, to enlighten all that you had achieved nothing of significance in the past, kindle in them the spirit of dedication and sterling qualities and character, rouse social consciousness, mutual good-will and cooperation among all, to make them realize that casts, creeds, and languages are secondary, and that service to the nation is the supreme end and to mould their behavior accordingly; instil in them a sense of true humility and discipline and train their bodies to be robust to shoulder any social responsibility, and thus to create all-around Anushasana (discipline) in all walks of life and build together all our people into a unified, harmonious national whole (K Jayaprasad, RSS and Hindu Nationalism: Inroads in a leftist stronghold, Deep & Deep Publications, 2007, p. 40, 110, 121). 

Sangh envisioned independence as more than just transferring political authority from foreign to domestic hands. Independence is achieved when society's socio-cultural regeneration makes people proud of our historic motherland's beautiful qualities. Sangh's leadership was alert enough to spot a sizeable Muslim faction's secessionist and separatist tendencies early on. It could see minority appeasement and political bargaining in the name of freedom. It even anticipated the country's sad fate in the 1947 division (RSS’s Tryst with Politics: From Hegdewar to Sudarshan, p. 55, 87). The only way to curb such malicious under-dealings was to bring the Hindu population under one banner in the name of a common socio-cultural background, which would, in turn, check the Muslim illusions of its minority strength and the consequent bargaining power.

It was not just the Sangh’s believers and followers. Still, many Congressmen and Hindu Mahasabha have also praised and admired Sangh for his discipline, social inclusivity, and services. Eventually, Sangh was always there to assist in every political movement, overtly or covertly, by directing its Swayamsewak and instructing them to help whenever required to perform for the national service (Rashtriya Sewa). Dr. Hedgewar promised Trailokynath Chakravarty that Sangh would provide him with everything that would meet his intent for future revolution for nations’ true liberation. 

In the case of partition, which was rapidly approaching despite the bravado and hollow sentimental rhetoric of Congress leaders, the Hindus and Sikhs of Western Punjab and Hindu and Buddhist tribes in East Bengal were also rapidly approaching to be protected and preserved to avoid a bloodbath. As a result, Guruji Golwalkar thought the organisation needed to be expanded and strengthened. Walter Anderson and Shridhar Damle point out that Golwalkar believed that the British should not be given any pretext to prohibit the RSS, as the RSS baiters never were weary of saying" (The RSS: A view of the inside, Penguin, 2018, p. 34, 45). According to British Intelligence, on April 27, 1942, at the RSS training camp in Pune, 'Golwalkar chastised those who were selfishly assisting the British Government,' according to the report. During a speech on April 28, 1942, he stated that the Sangh has committed to carrying out its responsibilities even if the entire world is against them. He emphasized that the volunteers must be prepared to give their lives in defense of the country. The RSS provided crucial help to a large number of independence fighters. Pandit Damodar Satavalekar sheltered Nana Patil, and Sane Guruji was housed with Bhausaheb Deshmukh and Babasaheb Apte. At the same time, Aruna Asaf Ali sought refuge in Lala Hans Raj Gupta and Pandit Damodar Satavalekar. Aruna Asaf Ali sought refuge in Lala Hans Raj Gupta's home. On August 16, 1942, many RSS workers participated directly in a Quit India agitation in Chimur, Maharashtra, which the British brutally suppressed. He was also known as Dada Naik, the leader of the Chimur RSS section. He was sentenced to death by the British. Dr N B Khare, the leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, has taken up his matter with the authorities (Ratan Sharda, RSS 360: Demystifying Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh, Bloomsbury Publishing, 2018, p. 30, 40). Ramdas Rampure, another RSS cadre, was assassinated by the British in 1942. According to exclusive reports, two individuals were responsible for these uprisings. One of them was Dada Naik, who, according to the report, "was substantially responsible for the recent disturbances," and the other was Sant Tukdoji Maharaj, who was closely linked with the RSS and was suspected of being involved in the disturbances at Chimur, both of whom were arrested. Later, Sant Tukdoji Maharaj was one of the co-founders of the Vishva Hindu Parishad, which still exists today.

One of the many myths propagated by historians is that Guruji Golwalkar did not explicitly blame the British for India's demise. In fact, throughout his tenure as the chairman of the RSS, he took extreme care not to blame any of the issues of Hindu society and the Sangh on anyone or anything outside the organization. For example, when it came to religious conversions, he prevented his adherents from blaming Christians or Muslims, as was done in the past. Meanwhile, in this context, he stated, “Many workers appear to take delight in blaming others for all ills. Some may blame the political perversities, others on the aggressive activities of the Christians or Muslims and other faiths. Let our workers keep their minds free from such tendencies and work for our people and our Dharma in the right spirit, lend a helping hand to all our brethren who need help, and strive to relieve distress wherever we see it”. 

They need to forget that Nehru's views were changed after Sangh assisted the Indian army. This comes after he refused to grant Sangh any piece of land for their flag in the country and now invites them to the Republic Day parade. Soon after the end of the Second World War, the communal cauldron of the demand for partition started to take its toll. M.A. Jinnah and M. Iqbal had addictively pursued this demand for partition. But the Congress also had much to be blamed for because of its policy of Muslim appeasement despite many of their outrightly provocative and separatist activities. The large-scale exodus was in the wake of partition on the north-eastern and eastern border of Bengal, especially across the plains of Punjab. It saw the massive slaughter of Hindus and Muslims while the Muslim League had outrightly proved itself to be anti-India. The Congress also, because of its lukewarm response to the partition holocaust, could not be said to be in reality nationalistic in its character. It was the R.S.S. who mobilized its members to give the necessary protection to the masses crossing over from Pakistan to India in the face of dire threats to their lives. Thus, the mission of Sangh has been described as the revitalization of the Indian value system based on universalism, peace, and prosperity for all. Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, propounded by India’s ancient thinkers, is considered the organization's ultimate mission. 

(Views expressed are personal. Dr. Barthwal teaches Political Science at Sri Aurobindo College, University of Delhi)